I.

Introduction

Human Geography, that part of geography involving the study of people and their activities and structures, whether economic, social, cultural, or political, in their spatial contexts. Human geography also encompasses the ways in which people interact with the natural environment. At the simplest level this encompasses the straightforward description and mapping of where, for example, industries or towns are located, but human geographers’ concerns are far more complex than this. In particular, they seek to understand how and why human structures and activities have developed in particular ways in particular places.

Their approaches, however, have varied considerably. For example, some human geographers considered that place, in the sense of the physical environment of an area, controls the activities and structures that people develop. Later, human geographers ignored the physical aspects of place altogether, concentrating instead on modelling the purely spatial relationships between human structures, such as settlements, and activities. More recently, some researchers have been concerned with the way power relationships affect the way people use space, while others have focused on the way that people perceive space, and the impact this has on what they do with it. These various approaches in part reflect the tendency of human geography throughout its history to be open to ideas and methods from other disciplines. At various times researchers have turned to the biological sciences, physics, economics, political theory, sociology, psychology, and literary theory for insights into human beings’ occupancy of the Earth. Another cause, associated particularly, but not solely, with early development of geography as an academic discipline has been the desire to elaborate a unique geographical approach and methodology. This is not a concern of many contemporary researchers in human geography, however. The discipline is now divided into such distinct specializations, often with more in common with other disciplines than with each other, the concern has sometimes been expressed that human geography is in danger of vanishing altogether as a distinct discipline, with its subject areas being incorporated within a broad social science.

II.

Historical Development

Human geography began to emerge as a distinct subject area within geography as a whole towards the end of the 19th century. This was a time when the first geography departments were beginning to open in universities and geographers were looking to establish the subject as a reputable academic discipline with a distinct approach and methodology. In particular, they were seeking to overcome geography’s image as being, through its identification with exploration, merely the handmaid of imperial expansion and a repository of travellers’ tales that had hindered its acceptance as an academic discipline for most of the previous century.

The early studies of human beings in relationship to places tended to follow one of two approaches. The first was through regional geography, which though distinct from human geography was very closely associated with it in the early years. Regional geographers sought to identify regions with a character of their own that would distinguish them from other regions, and to study the factors giving rise to such regional variations. For many geographers, like Richard Hartshorne in the United States, the development of regional geography was important because it provided a uniquely geographical object of study, and because it provided a framework for synthesizing the study of human and physical aspects of geography, without imputing any particular directionality. For these and various other reasons, regional geography in a variety of guises formed the basis of most geographical teaching, particularly in Europe, during the first half of the 20th century.

The second approach developed by some early geographers, notably in the United States, was environmental determinism, or simply determinism. The physical environment played an important role in regional geography, for example the soil and climate obviously affect the type of agriculture practised, while the presence of large coal deposits might have an important effect on the location of industrial activity. Determinists, however, elevated the role of the environment to a dominant one. Influenced particularly by the evolutionary ideas of Charles Darwin, they argued that physical conditions determined not only the activities carried out by people but the nature of the people themselves. The German geographer Friedrich Ratzel is considered to have originated the idea of environmental determinism, but it was taken furthest by several American geographers, notably Ellen Churchill Semple and Ellsworth Huntington, who argued that the physical environment affected the character of a people as well. From such arguments they, and others, derived a number of essentially racist conclusions about peoples from different parts of the world.

In Europe, the leading geographers largely rejected determinism. Nonetheless, the influence of the environment remained very important. Geographers such as Paul Vidal de la Blache, an influential figure in regional and human geography in France or H. J. Fleure in Britain evolved the concept of environmental possibilism, in which the environment constrains human activity without determining it, while in return human beings affect the physical environment. The debate between possibilists and determinists was one of the principal characteristics of human geography throughout the early decades of this century. However, by the 1940s, for a variety of reasons, including lack of academic rigour and the rise of Nazism in Germany, which utilized deterministic arguments, environmental determinism had been discredited.

During the first half of the 20th century, separate studies of the physical and human aspects of regions had led to the development of systematic geography. This approach involved the development of sub-disciplines within geography so that, for example, economic, social, and political geography began to form areas of study in their own right. As the various sub-disciplines of human geography evolved they also subdivided as greater and greater specialization occurred. For example, economic geography divided into industrial and agricultural geography. However, even though greater and greater specialization was occurring, the essential elements of geography remained much the same, and during the 1930s and early post-war years, there was a period of some stability in the evolution of the subject.

This stability gradually disintegrated in the 1950s and 1960s as new pressures developed, linked to geography’s generally low reputation as a science. Criticisms were increasingly levelled at regional geography for being based purely on description and focusing on the unique aspects of regions at the expense of developing general theories. The systematic branches of human geography had made more attempts to develop useful generalizations but were still seen as not having the academic respectability of other social sciences, like economics or psychology. In particular, it was felt, human geography was being hampered by its lack of a scientific, theoretical basis. These criticisms led to the rise of a new approach to human geography that rapidly came to be the dominant methodology.

The main characteristics of this approach were first, that it was underpinned by logical positivism, a philosophical approach that identifies knowledge with science, and which emphasizes empiricism and verifiability. The resultant methodology, largely borrowed from other disciplines, involved using models (simplified versions of reality) and statistical analysis to test and verify hypotheses, with the aim of establishing universal laws and of being able to predict, in the way that, say, physics has laws and can predict events subject to those laws. Secondly, the focus of the new methodology was location. In this sense, location refers to the position of phenomena in space and the interactions between them. Hence, this approach to human geography came to be known as locational analysis or spatial analysis. Because of the central importance of models and mathematical techniques in the new methodology, the changes during this period are often dubbed the quantitative revolution, although the description is not strictly accurate.

In contrast to earlier approaches to human geography, locational analysis ignored the natural environment. In the models constructed to simplify the complexities of real life and to allow underlying processes to be analysed and understood, the Earth was considered to be uniform, that is, flat and with no differentiating features to make one part of the surface more attractive for human activity than another. Such an area is known as an isotropic plain.

Most of the initial work utilizing such models was carried out in the United States, where locational analysis was spearheaded. It was largely inspired by the work of earlier researchers, few of whom were geographers, and most of whom were German; their work was first translated into English at this time. The most influential of the models developed by these early researchers include: the agricultural land use model proposed by the German landowner Johann Heinrich von Thünen as long ago as 1826; the urban development model first developed by the American sociologist Ed Burgess, in 1924, and the subsequent modifications to it proposed by Homer Hoyt (1939) and Harris and Ullman (1945); and the central place theory model of settlement location developed by the German geographer Walter Christaller in 1933, and the similar but more complex model developed by the German economist August Lösch in 1940.

Although many researchers in locational analysis tended to focus at first on empirical work to refine and provide exemplars of the above models, much original work of lasting importance was also undertaken. Among the best known are the work of Torsten Hägerstrand in Sweden on diffusion theory and that of Peter Haggett in Britain on central place theory and systems of analysis.

Although physical geographers also adopted modelling and quantitative techniques at this time, the focus of human geography on locational analysis meant that the long-standing trend towards separation of the two aspects of geography, which Regional Geography had attempted to overcome, was accelerated. For the first time human geography became divorced from the physical environment. The separation was most marked in the United States, but was also to be found in Europe, notably in the United Kingdom. Even so, many geographers, especially human geographers, felt that the new approach provided the discipline with a unique field of study capable of replacing regional geography: spatial science. The methodology of spatial science was shared with other sciences, and it was therefore as rigorous as they were, but the spatial element meant that geography could be distinguished from them in a way that, say, an earlier transport geographer could not readily be distinguished from a transport economist.

The use of models in geography was initially mainly criticized because of the absence of any environmental element. A more telling criticism of locational analysis models, however, relates to their dependence on the assumptions of Neo-Classical economic theories, and particularly on the existence of a totally “rational being”, whose decisions are entirely determined by economic rationality (see Economics, History of: Neo-Classical Economics). Thus, the least-cost journey is always undertaken, the cheapest goods or services always purchased. Unlike environmental factors, which were ignored, the rational being was an essential ingredient of locational analysis. One result of the criticism of locational analysis was the development of new approaches known as behavioural geography, which emphasized the nature of the decision-making process and the role of the decision-maker. Such an emphasis demanded that the motivations of locational decision-makers were examined. The identification of individual preferences, values and, indeed, prejudices assumed great importance in attempts to understand location. Such studies gained greatest prominence in the investigation of industrial location but were not confined to this area.

Criticisms of locational analysis, however, continued mainly because it was too scientific and impersonal. Even within behavioural geography the place of people, their feelings, and their aspirations was not a consideration. At the same time, during the later 1960s and into the 1970s in the world at large the growth of the civil rights movement, feminism, and greater interest in the problems of the economically developing countries meant that greater attention was being paid to inequalities in life, and to what came to be known as social justice. The influence of these developments on many, particularly young, human geographers led to changes in the evolution of the discipline that have continued to the present.

III.

Methodology

In traditional human geography the principal methods included, particularly, observation and recording, followed by detailed description and mapping, although analysis of secondary data was also important. During the period when spatial analysis was the principal approach, methods included empirical testing of deductive theory using statistical analysis and model building. Contemporary methods include primary data collection through, for example, questionnaires, interviews, and participatory techniques, and the analysis of the data collected using both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Use of secondary data includes, for humanistic geographers, text analysis, and, for radical geographers, empirical investigations using published statistics and other secondary sources. In the recent revival of the spatial approach, detailed analysis of georeferenced data, such as censuses, market research databanks, and postcodes is carried out using specialized computer programmes and tools, such as geographical information systems, and is used to build models (see Cartography: Geographical Information Systems).

IV.

Contemporary Themes

Until the 1970s the evolution of human geography had been broadly sequential, with one approach gradually more-or-less replacing another as the principal focus of endeavour (though earlier approaches were not necessarily completely superseded). However, at about this time, human geography began to develop divergent themes that relied on very different philosophical standpoints, but which co-existed rather than one replacing another. At the same time, in common with other academic disciplines, came a rapid increase in specialization within the subject. Today, most academic human geographers would be more likely to identify themselves through their specialities, for example as economic, social, or urban geographers, rather than as simply geographers, or even as human geographers. (See Economic Geography, Political Geography, Social Geography, Urban Geography.)

Two main themes may be identified as a result of this divergence although others also developed. The first of these new approaches is often referred to as humanistic geography. In a reaction to the perceived sterility of locational analysis, the humanist perspective puts human senses at the centre of geography. Philosophically, humanistic geography is most closely allied to phenomenology and existentialism. Specifically, humanist geographers reject the objectivity of positivism and wish to replace it with subjectivity. In so doing, the humanists have also rejected attempts to identify general principles or laws. The individual feelings are the geography. These feelings, emotions, or senses are related to place and examining the concept of a sense of place has for some time been one of the central activities of humanistic geography.

The second reaction to locational analysis, from the standpoint of social justice, has been radical geography. This approach attempts to understand the processes by which, for example, inequality in race, class, gender, or age are generated and perpetuated. For some radical geographers it has also included attempts to find ways of overcoming such inequalities. One of the underlying principles of radical geography is that it is not helpful to study the “visible” geography of spatial relationships without understanding the power relationships generally, and specifically the political and economic structures, in which it is embedded. For example, a study of industrial location is pointless unless it is undertaken in the light of understanding aspects of the global economy, tariff and trade agreements, and the operations of multinationals. Among the principal theoretical bases of this approach in the 1980s was Marxism. It should be noted here that for most Marxist geographers Marxism was a theory and methodology for understanding the political economy rather than a political ideology. One of the leading figures in the development of Marxist analysis in geography was the British geographer David Harvey, notably through his book Social Justice and the City (1973). He continues to be among the most influential of radical geographers.

In the 1990s radical and humanistic geography have continued to evolve and change as part of the continuing process of theoretical criticism and increasing specialization. These changes are often difficult to follow but their very occurrence indicates that human geography is alive, vibrant, exciting, and important. Older traditions also survive. Regional studies, though not directly related to the regional geography of the past, is an interdisciplinary subject including human geography that recognizes the region as an important focus for study. Spatial analysis also has never died. A relatively small number of human geographers continued the tradition and, now, with the arrival of a powerful new tool in the shape of geographical information systems, it is undergoing a considerable revival. Finally, it is not possible to leave the subject of human geography without comment on its return to the environment. The relationship between people and the natural environment is now at the centre of the political agenda. From resource management in the dry lands of Africa to conservation in the Norfolk Broads, to the causes and consequences of global warming, human geographers and natural scientists are back together. It may be that in at least one of its many guises, human geography has returned to its roots.