V.

Government

Russia was the last of the republics of the former USSR to establish its own government institutions. Its territorial boundaries were established early in the Soviet period. However, largely because of its political and economic dominance of the USSR at the federal level, it failed to develop many of the administrative and cultural institutions that characterized other Soviet republics. Only during the last two years of the USSR were such Soviet institutions as a Congress of People’s Deputies and a Supreme Soviet, a Communist Party structure, and a KGB (Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti, Russian for “Committee for State Security”) established in Russia. Even with these institutions, until the dissolution of the USSR real power in Russia continued to be exercised largely by the ethnically Russian-dominated central authorities of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). In addition, power relations between the various governmental institutions were not firmly established during the Soviet period, and since independence the lack of clear lines of authority has aggravated the power struggle between reformers and conservatives in the country.

The initial stage in achieving Russian sovereignty was the election of the Russian Congress of People’s Deputies in March 1990. In May the Congress narrowly elected the reformer Boris Yeltsin as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet (permanent working body of the Congress) of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR); Yeltsin had been sacked from the CPSU Politburo in 1987 for criticizing the pace of reform. In June 1990, pending the promulgation of a new constitution to replace the one adopted by the RSFSR in 1978, the Congress declared the RSFSR to be a sovereign republic and its laws to be supreme over all-Union legislation. In June 1991 Yeltsin was the victor in direct elections for the RSFSR presidency; Aleksandr Rutskoy became the vice-president. In the first week of December, in the face of growing popular opposition to federal government proposals to create a new federation to replace the USSR, Yeltsin met with his counterparts from Belarus and Ukraine. Together they proposed the creation of a much looser association, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). At the same time they announced that the 1922 Union Treaty establishing the USSR was annulled, and that the USSR had ceased to exist. Their statement was formalized in the Alma-Ata Declaration of December 21, 1991, which established the CIS. On December 25, the Russian Supreme Soviet changed the name of the newly independent republic from the RSFSR to the Russian Federation.

During the next year or so politics in Russia reached a stalemate between Yeltsin and the Congress, which with considerable success blocked, overturned, or ignored his initiatives for drafting a new constitution, conducting new elections, and making further progress on democratic and economic reform. This opposition, led by Ruslan Khasbulatov, Yeltsin’s successor as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, included not only conservative groups, but also regions of the Federation seeking greater autonomy, and industrial bureaucrats grown accustomed to large state subsidies during the Soviet era. A referendum held on April 25, 1993, roundly endorsed both Yeltsin’s performance as President and his socio-economic policies. Buoyed by this victory, Yeltsin, in June, convened a special Constitutional Conference with delegates from all major political and social organizations, and the federations constituent territories. In July it produced a draft constitution that provided for a presidential system with a bicameral parliament and a government subordinate to both the president and legislature. The Congress rejected the draft, however, precipitating a showdown with Yeltsin. On September 21, he dissolved both the Congress and Supreme Soviet and announced elections, scheduled for December 12, for the bicameral Federal Assembly envisaged in the draft constitution. His move precipitated an attempted putsch by opposition delegates, including Khasbulatov and Rutskoy, and their armed supporters, who on September 27 took over the White House (parliament building) in Moscow. Yeltsin, on October 4, ordered the army to take over the White House, following armed conflict the previous day between rebel supporters and Yeltsin loyalists, forcing the rebels to surrender. Yeltsin subsequently pressed his advantage, accelerating the drafting of the constitution. The final version, which increased the president’s powers at the expense of the legislature, and which deleted references to the sovereignty of the federation’s constituent republics included in earlier drafts, was completed in time to be submitted for popular approval in a referendum held at the same time as the elections for the new Federal Assembly—which went ahead as scheduled on December 12. The constitution was approved by 58.4 per cent of the electorate that participated in the referendum, and came into effect on the same day.

The 1993 Constitution declares Russia to be a democratic, federal, law-based, and secular state with a republican form of government. The state is based on the separation of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary, and on federal principles that define the powers of and relationships between the organs of the Russian Federation and its constituent territorial units. Ideological pluralism and a multi-party political system are recognized, and individuals have the right to freedom of movement, expression, conscience, and religion, and the right to peaceful assembly, to own land, to engage in legal entrepreneurial activity, and to housing. Censorship is prohibited. The constitution also commits the federation to the protection of motherhood and childhood, and to providing free education and health services within the state system.

A.

Executive and Legislature

The executive is headed by a president, who has broad powers under the 1993 constitution. The president is head of state, serves as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and chairs the Security Council, the central defence decision-making body. Together with the defence minister, the president has control of the nuclear launch codes. The president is also in charge of foreign policy and, according to the constitution, defines “the basic direction” of economic policy. The president has the power to appoint the chairman (prime minister) of the government, subject to ratification by the State Duma. If the State Duma rejects the candidate for prime minister, the president can dissolve the legislature and call for new elections.

On the nomination of the prime minister, the president appoints the deputy prime ministers and ministers, and can also dismiss them; the ministers of defence, the interior, and foreign affairs report directly to the president. The president can draft laws to submit to the Federal Assembly, and must approve all laws passed by the Federal Assembly for them to become effective. The president’s right of veto can, however, be over-ridden by a two thirds majority of both houses of parliament.

Any Russian citizen aged at least 35 and with a minimum of 10 years residency in Russia can stand for election as president, providing his or her candidacy is supported by 1 million signatures, no more than 7 per cent of which may come from any one of the federal territories. Election is by direct universal suffrage of citizens aged 18 or over. The winning candidate must receive at least 50 per cent of votes cast; if no single candidate passes the 50 per cent threshold, a run-off election is held. The term of office is four years and no individual may serve more than two consecutive terms. In the event of the president’s death, illness, or other incapacity, the prime minister assumes the presidential duties, but not the full presidential powers; the right to dissolve the parliament or to order a referendum, for example, are not included.

The other component of the executive is the government of the Russian Federation, which comprises the prime minister, deputy prime ministers, and federal ministers. The government’s responsibilities are to submit the federal budget to the State Duma and to supervise its execution, to carry out foreign policy, and maintain law and order. A vote of no confidence in the government may be adopted by the State Duma, which the president can choose to ignore. If there is a second no-confidence vote within three months the president must either announce the government’s resignation or dissolve the State Duma preparatory to new elections.

Under the 1993 constitution, Russia’s national legislature, the Federal Assembly, is a two-chamber body comprising the State Duma (lower chamber) and the Federation Council (upper chamber). The 450 members of the State Duma are elected by popular vote under a mixed system. Half of the deputies are elected from single-member constituencies on a first-past-the-post basis. The other half are elected by proportional representation from party lists in a single, all-federation constituency; to be allocated seats a party must receive at least 5 per cent of the vote. Deputies are elected for four-year terms, must be at least 21 years of age, and may not hold any other form of paid employment. The Federation Council has 178 seats, two for each of the 89 territorial units that make up the Russian Federation; the heads of a territory’s administration (governor) and legislature (chairman) serve ex-officio in this body.

The State Duma approves the president’s nomination for prime minister, and is also able to hold a confidence vote on the government. It approves and can dismiss the head of the central bank, and has the right to declare amnesties and to begin impeachment proceedings against the president. The Federation Council has the power to confirm border changes within the federation, approve the introduction of martial law or a state of emergency by the president, and vote on the deployment of the armed forces outside the federation’s borders. It is also empowered to schedule presidential elections, to approve the appointment of Constitutional Court and Supreme Court judges, and to approve and dismiss the general prosecutor.

The State Duma has the prime responsibility for passing federal laws for approval by the president, although both houses, like the president, have the right to initiate legislation. The approval of both houses is required for only certain categories of legislation relating to: the federal budget and taxes; finance, foreign currency, and credit and customs regulation; the ratification and rejection of international treaties; the status and protection of borders; and the declaration of war or peace. The Federal Council does, however, have the right to vote on other legislation passed by the State Duma if it chooses. If it does not vote on a particular piece of legislation within 14 days it is automatically passed to the president for approval. If it does vote and rejects a piece of legislation, the State Duma can pass it unchanged if on a second vote two-thirds of Duma deputies approve it. Otherwise committees of both houses are formed to make amendments which are submitted to the State Duma for approval.

B.

Political Parties

Since the late 1980s the political scene in Russia has undergone a dramatic change from a single-party, totalitarian state to a fractious, emerging multi-party democracy. The monolithic Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) has been replaced by hundreds of political groupings, factions, movements, and parties that span a wide political spectrum from Beer Lovers, to Monarchists, to Communists. There are more than 60 legally registered nationwide parties. The parties range in size from a few members to more than half a million members.

Political groups can be divided into three general categories: democratic, nationalist-patriotic, and centrist. The democratic political movement grew rapidly during the last years of the USSR when the term “democratic” was used synonymously with “anti-Communist”. With the breakup of the USSR, democrats lost much of their focus and a great deal of their political following, although they are still influential. Democrats seek to transform Russia into a modern, Western-style, democratic-capitalist country, and they generally support President Yeltsin and his policies. The leading democratic groups are Russia’s Democratic Choice Party and Yabloko (which, in 2001, formally received party status). The nationalist-patriotic group is a disparate mix that includes left-wing patriots and neo-Nazi Nationalists who reject foreign values and models of development, and seek the revival of Slavic awareness and a strong state. The somewhat misnamed Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) is the most prominent party of the far-right movement. The third category, the centrist group, includes both conservative and liberal tendencies. It includes the largest party in numerical terms, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), which claims 500,000 members. The Russian Communist Party was banned by President Yeltsin in 1991, but the ban was overturned by the Constitutional Court in November 1992 and the party reconstituted itself as the CPRF. Other centrist groups include the Democratic Party of Russia, a liberal-conservative group that broke away from the Democratic Russia Movement in a dispute over the dissolution of the USSR, the conservative, pro-government Our Home is Russia Party, and the centrist Women of Russia.

The first elections to the State Duma on December 12, 1993, produced no decisive majority for any one group or party. However, there was a high level of support for extreme nationalist elements, with the LDPR emerging as the largest single party with 64 seats. Pro-Communist groups also did well, with the CPRF taking 48 seats and its main ally, the Agrarian Party, 33 seats. Russia’s Democratic Choice was the best performing of the pro-democracy groups, with a total of 58 seats, while Yabloko took 23. However, Russia’s Choice subsequently emerged as the largest group, following the realignment of independents and parties into parliamentary factions, with some 76 seats. New Regional Policy, comprising 64 centrist independents, was the second-largest faction, followed by the LDPR.

These deputies were elected for just a two-year term; subsequent elections were to be for four-year terms. The December 17, 1995, elections resulted in a further strengthening of the pro-Communist groups, as well as a further weakening of the pro-democratic groups, and a decline in support for the extreme right. In voting on the party lists, only four parties gained the minimum 5 per cent, the CPRF with 22.3 per cent of votes cast, the pro-government Our Home is Russia with 10.1 per cent, the LDPR (11.2 per cent), and the liberal grouping Yabloko (6.9 per cent); Russia’s Choice won just 3.9 per cent. The total picture, including constituency deputies, reinforced the CPRF’s dominance. It ended up with 157 deputies, and combined with the support of close allies such as the Agrarian parties, and other small parties and independent deputies, was able to achieve a majority in the state Duma. Our Home is Russia emerged as the second-largest party in the Duma with 55 seats, followed by the LDPR with 51 (down from 64 deputies in 1993), and Yabloko (up to 45 seats from 23 in 1993). Russia’s Choice emerged with just 9 seats.

In the December 1999 elections, the CPRF secured 113 seats; the new Unity coalition won 72 seats; Fatherland-All Russia (also a new party) secured 67 seats; and the new Union of Rightist Forces got 29 seats. In December 2001, the Unity and Fatherland-All Russia officially merged, forming the All-Russian Party of Unity and Fatherland and gaining a decisive majority in the Duma.

Following the elections held in December 2003 United Russia emerged as the dominant party, but narrowly failed to gain an overall majority in the Duma, winning 222 seats. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation secured 51 seats; the nationalist Liberal Democratic Party of Russia won 36 seats; the Motherland National Patriotic Union got 37 seats; and the Social-Democratic People’s Party of the Russian Federation won 16 seats.

C.

Judiciary

The highest judicial body in Russia is the Constitutional Court, a 19-member body originally created in October 1991 by the Congress of People’s Deputies, the highest legislative authority under the 1977 constitution. Yeltsin suspended the court in the autumn of 1993. It was modified by the newly elected State Duma in April 1994. According to the Duma’s legislation, judges will be appointed for 12 years, instead of life terms, as was the case under the 1977 constitution. The court’s mandate is to rule on the constitutionality of legislative and executive actions, and to settle disputes about competence among State bodies. Its members are expected to act in a non-partisan manner. The Supreme Court is the highest judicial authority on civil, criminal, administrative, and other cases within the jurisdiction of the common plea courts. The Supreme Arbitration Court is the highest authority in settling economic and other disputes within the jurisdiction of the courts of arbitration. The judges of three higher courts are appointed by the Federal Council on the recommendation of the president; judges of other federal courts are appointed by the president. A new civil code was introduced in 1993 and the criminal justice system is being reformed.

D.

Sub-Federal Administration and Local Government

According to the 1993 Constitution the Russian Federation comprises 89 “subjects of the federation” (federal territorial units), of which 32 are ethnically based units that are direct successors to earlier ethnically based Soviet political units, and the remainder are purely administrative divisions. The former comprise the 21 republics, 1 autonomous oblast (region), and 10 autonomous okrugs (autonomous areas). The administrative divisions are the 49 oblasts, 6 krays (territories), and the federal cities of Moscow and St Petersburg, which have oblast status. These political divisions vary in size from the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), which has a total area of more than 3.1 million sq km (1.2 million sq mi), to Ingushetia, which has a total area of 3,750 sq km (2,934 sq mi). The titles of many of the ethnically based units, however, have changed considerably. For most of the period after World War II, the RSFSR contained 16 autonomous republics, 5 autonomous oblasts, and 10 autonomous okrugs. In late 1990 the term “autonomous” was dropped from the names of the republics, and on July 3, 1991, 4 of the 5 autonomous oblasts became republics: Adygea, Altay, Karachay-Cherkessiya, and Khakassia. The Jewish Autonomous Oblast of Yevreyskaya (Birodidzhan), located on the Amur River in the far eastern region, was the only autonomous oblast not elevated to the rank of a republic. In 1992 the former Chechen-Ingush autonomous republic was divided into the Chechen Republic and the Ingush Republic. As of January 2007 the Federation comprised 86 territorial units: 21 republics, 7 autonomous okrugs (areas), 7 krays (territories), 48 oblasts (regions), 1 autonomous oblast, and 2 federal cities (Moscow and St Petersburg) with oblast status.

Although the republics are based on indigenous, non-Russian ethnic groups, Russians make up a sizeable portion of the population in each republic. Non-Russian ethnic groups constitute a clear majority in only five of the republics, while Russians are the majority in nine.

After the dissolution of the USSR, the ethnic republics sought more autonomy within Russia. A treaty on relations between the federal government and the republics was signed in March 1992, outlining the rights and responsibilities of both levels of government. The treaty was signed by all but two of the republics, the Republic of Tatarstan and the Chechen Republic, both of whom agitated for complete independence from Russia. The treaty was eclipsed, however, by the approval of a new constitution in 1993 which superseded the treaty agreement. Under the 1993 constitution, the republics are granted greater rights than the other administrative divisions. They are allowed to have their own constitutions and state languages, as well as legislation. The other administrative areas have charters instead of constitutions, and their own legislation. Leaders of these administrative regions, many of which are much richer and more populous than the ethnic republics, have protested against their regions’ inferior status in relation to the republics.

Russia’s constituent republics are: Republic of Adygea; Republic of Altay; Republic of Bashkortostan; Republic of Buryatia; Chechnya; Republic of Chuvashia; Republic of Dagestan; Ingushetia; Kabardino-Balkaria; Republic of Kalmykia; Karachay-Cherkessia; Republic of Karelia; Republic of Khakassia; Republic of Komi; Republic of Mari El; Mordovia; North Ossetia-Alania; Republic of Sakha (Yakutia); Republic of Tatarstan; Republic of Tuva; Udmurtia.

Although Russia is constitutionally a federation, the precise distribution of powers between the federal government and the territorial units is still evolving. The federal government has a number of exclusive powers, including amendment of the constitution, regulation and protection of the rights of minorities and individual citizens, regulation of the national economy, foreign policy, foreign trade relations, defence and security, the judicial system, space activities, and the protection of territorial borders and air space. Most regional issues, including the management of natural resources, health, the environment, education, housing, and protection of the traditional lifestyles of small ethnic groups, are described as the joint responsibility of the federal government and the governments of the territorial units.

In practice, however, many of the regions gained a significant amount of autonomy, especially in economic areas. After 1994, in an effort to diffuse regional protests against central control, President Yeltsin drew up special accords with some 26 of the territorial authorities, giving them a variety of special tax concessions, and in some cases allowing them to withhold payment of taxes to the central government entirely.

E.

Health and Welfare

Health-care was formerly directly financed by the State, but a health-care insurance system financed by employers was introduced in 1993. The post-Soviet health-care system has suffered from insufficient funding and it is reported that as many as 20 per cent of hospitals lack hot running water and 18 per cent have an inadequate sewerage system. There has been a sharp rise in serious infectious diseases, with the incidence of confirmed cases of tuberculosis rising by 20 per cent between 1994 and 1995. A WHO report in October 1997, on multi-drug resistant tuberculosis, included Russia as one of several “hot zones” in the world where multi-drug resistance among TB patients was significant. In 2008 there was an infant mortality rate of 11 deaths per 1,000 live births, and there was a ratio of 1 doctor to 232 people recorded in 2006. Expenditure on health in 2001 accounted for 0.92 per cent of total expenditure. Early alcohol-related deaths and low birth rates have both contributed to a major demographic trend of negative population growth.

F.

Defence

The structure of the armed forces in Russia has changed radically in the post-Soviet period. Immediately after the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, the armed forces were controlled by the military command of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), which inherited the massive Soviet arsenal. In May 1992, however, Russia created its own military structure in response to the formation of separate armies by several CIS states, notably Ukraine. The CIS military command continued to function for another year, although its power was greatly reduced. It was finally abolished in June 1993 and most of its functions transferred to the Russian military command. In 2004, Russia had about 1,037,000 personnel serving in the army (395,000), navy (142,000), and air force (170,000). While military reformers have pressed for a purely professional army, this is still too costly, and therefore men aged 18 or older must serve as conscripts for 18 months in the army or 24 months in the navy or air force. Approximately 330,000 conscripts serve in the Russian armed forces. Defence policy is formulated by the Security Council, an executive body established in May 1992. In 2003, Russia spent US$65,200 million (4.9 per cent of its GDP) on defence.

The state of readiness of the Russian armed forces has declined substantially since independence. The defence establishment is beset by a host of problems, including job insecurity, inadequate housing, ageing equipment, and low morale. Despite these problems, the Russian army is engaged in peacekeeping missions in Moldova, Georgia, Tajikistan, and elsewhere; in 1994 it became embroiled in a civil war in the Chechen Republic. Almost all of these military actions are in former Soviet republics, except for air strikes against rebel Tajik forces in Afghanistan.

Following the dissolution of the USSR in December 1991 and the establishment of the CIS, member states of the CIS concluded a series of agreements on military cooperation and coordination. Since 1993, however, opposition to the idea of joint CIS forces has grown as the other republics have formed their own national armies and several have sought membership of NATO.

G.

International Organizations

Russia is a member of the United Nations (UN), the Arctic Council (AC), the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Pact (BSECP), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Council of Europe (CE), the Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Partnership for Peace (PFP), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Shanghai Group (SG), the Northern Forum (NF), the International Whaling Commission (IWC), the Group of Eight (G-8), and the Group of Twenty (G-20). In May 2002, the NATO-Russia Council was established to promote closer cooperation. Russia has observer status at meetings of the World Trade Organization (WTO).